Criminal Justice: Strategies for Domestic Violence

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Criminal Justice: Strategies for Domestic Violence ORDER NOW FOR CUSTOMIZED AND ORIGINAL ESSAY PAPERS ON Criminal Justice: Strategies for Domestic Violence Strategies for Domestic Violence Domestic violence was not always considered an issue that police should address. Criminal Justice: Strategies for Domestic Violence Write a 2 page paper. Address the following in your paper: Do you consider domestic violence a public health issue? Why? Why should law enforcement address domestic violence in their communities? You MUST use the references provided along with one from the Internet and not Wikipedia. Please adhere to the APA format when writing and submitting papers. Papers should be grammatically correct. Lastly, avoid first person and contractions in your paper. You can provide an opinion without using “I think” statements. domestic_violence_web3.pdf A_Police_Perspective_on_Domestic_Violence_and_the_Proposed_Residence_Test.pdf All’s_Fair_in_Love_and_War.pdf An_analysis_of_mandatory_arrest_policy_on_domestic_violence.pdf An_Evaluation_of_Police_Compliance_with_Domestic_Violence_Documentation_Policy_Reform.pdf Correctional_Officers_and_Domestic_Violence.pdf DOMESTIC_VIOLENCE_HOMICIDE-SUICIDE.pdf Government_implementation_of_domestic_violence_protection_measures_nationwide.pdf Military_Nuances_in_Domestic_Violence_Cases.pdf Or anything else from the EBSCOhost website http://web.b.ebscohost.com/ehost/search/selectdb?sid=e16403e8-c94b-4af3-9d50-5fe81cb77b32%40sessionmgr198&vid=0&hid=109 domestic_violence_web3.pdf a_police_perspective_on_domestic_violence_and_the_proposed_residence_test.pdf all_s_fair_in_love_and_war.pdf an_analysis_of_mandatory_arrest_policy_on_domestic_violence.pdf an_evaluation_of_police_compliance_with_domestic_violence_documentation_policy_reform.pdf correctional_officers_and_domestic_violence.pdf domestic_violence_homicide_suicide.pdf government_implementation_of_domestic_violence_protection_measures_nationwide.pdf military_nuances_in_domestic_violen U.S. Department of Justice Office of Community Oriented Policing Services Police-Community Partnerships to Address Domestic Violence By: COPS COMMUNITY ORIENTED POLICING SERVICES U.S. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE Melissa Reuland Melissa Schaefer Morabito Camille Preston Jason Cheney Police-Community Partnerships to Address Domestic Violence By: Melissa Reuland Melissa Schaefer Morabito Camille Preston Jason Cheney This project, conducted by the Police Executive Research Forum (PERF), was supported by Cooperative Agreement # 98­ DV-WX-K018 by the U.S. Department of Justice Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS). Points of view or opinions contained in this document are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice or the members of PERF. Cover Design by Ayonna Johnson, Northrop Grumman Contractor to U.S. Department of Justice COPS Office Contents Contents I. Introduction ………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 1 II. Literature Review ………………………………………………………………………………………………. Changes in Law Enforcement Responses to IPV …………………………………………………….. Partnership Response to Domestice Violence …………………………………………………………. Report Overview ……………………………………………………………………………………………………. 3 3 4 6 III. Mailed Survey …………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 9 Methods ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 9 Survey Findings …………………………………………………………………………………………………. 11 IV. Telephone Interview ………………………………………………………………………………………. 17 Methods ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 17 Interview Findings …………………………………………………………………………………………………. 17 V. Case Studies ……………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 21 Methods ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 21 Partnership Descriptions: Eight Core Sites ……………………………………………………………. 21 Partnership Descriptions: Three Satellite Sites …………………………………………………….. 24 Case Study Findings: Keys to Effective Police Response To Domestic Violence …………………………………………………………………………….. 25 Case Study Findings: Important and Unique Aspects of Partnerships …………………………………………………………………………………………… 29 Case Study Findings: Partnership Resources ………………………………………………………… 33 Case Study Findings: Partnership Goals and Successes ……………………………………….. 33 Case Study Findings: What Have Been the Barriers to Your Success and How Have you Overcome Them? ……………………………….. 34 Case Study Findings: What is the Worst Mistake a Police Department Can Make? …………………………………………………………………………. 36 i. Contents VI. Summary …………………………………………………………………………………………………………. Criminal Justice: Strategies for Domestic Violence 41 Survey and Interview Findings …………………………………………………………………………. 41 Summary of Case Study Findings ……………………………………………………………………. 42 Recommendations ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 44 Conclusions …………………………………………………………………………………………………… 45 VII. References ……………………………………………………………………………………………………. 49 VIII. Additional Resources …………………………………………………………………………… 53 IX. Appendices Appendix A: Mailed Survey Instrument …………………………………………. 57 Appendix B: Telephone Interview Sites and Interview Protocol ……………………………………………………………………….. 60 Appendix C: Site Visit Interview Protocols ………………………………….. 68 ii. I. Introduction Introduction I. Introduction A number of innovative criminal justice system approaches have been developed during the past 15 to 20 years in an attempt to reduce the number of incidences of domestic violence in the United States. Many law enforcement agencies now have policies mandating arrest, or stating a preference for arrest, for domestic violence. Prosecutors are also using a wider array of options to handle domestic violence cases such as no-drop policies, evidence-based prosecution, and special district attorneys assigned to domestic violence cases. As part of the adoption of community policing across the country, local law enforcement agencies are also forming partnerships with community organizations to address domestic violence. Because there is limited knowledge about how such partnerships coordinate activities to improve response to calls involving domestic violence, PERF was funded by the COPS Office to explore the nature, function, and impact of these police-community partnerships to produce guidance for policy makers on partnerships focused on domestic violence. To learn how the police-community partnerships coordinate their activities and improve their responses to calls involving domestic violence, PERF studied a broad sample of local agencies that have such partnerships. PERF investigators collected data in two phases. In the first phase, project staff reviewed existing literature on the connection between community policing activities and how calls related to domestic violence are handled, interviewed experts on domestic violence and police-community partnerships, and developed data-collection instruments. In the second phase, project staff used a mail survey and telephone interviews and case studies to collect data on actual police-community partnerships. This report presents a discussion of the literature, describes project methods used and findings of the mail survey, telephone interviews, and case studies of eleven local law enforcement agencies that had formed police-community partnerships to address domestic violence. It highlights successful strategies, lists barriers to effective police-community partnerships, and offers recommendations for overcoming these barriers, as well as providing strategies that can be replicated by other agencies. . II. Literature Review Literature Review II. Literature Review Data from the last 15 years have shown unprecedented declines in crime. Between 1993 and 2002, the rate of violent crime declined 54 percent (Rennison 2003). During the same period, the National Crime Victim Survey (NCVS) detected similar decreases in nonfatal intimate partner violence (49 percent for women and 42 percent for men) (Rennison 2003). Homicides by intimate partners have not declined as rapidly: the rate of women who were killed by an intimate partner fell only 22 percent during that period. Continued vigilance on the part of criminal justice and advocacy community is needed to maintain—or ideally further—these declines. Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a multidisciplinary concern because victims often are simultaneously involved with the police, the courts, emergency medical services, shelter providers, and counselors. For instance, victims may petition the courts to grant a restraining order, rely on the police to enforce it, and be dependent on social service providers to help them find a safe place to live. Criminal Justice: Strategies for Domestic Violence To prevent gaps in acquiring these services, these varying tasks require coordination among agency leaders and front-line personnel. As a result, addressing domestic violence effectively must be a shared priority for criminal justice practitioners, health care professionals, and social service providers. The research proposed here aims to develop a better understanding of how these various stakeholders combine their energies to improve the response to IPV. This research focuses on IPV, but is guided by the literature reviewed below on family violence, domestic violence, and interpersonal violence, which can include family members who are not intimate partners. For this project, an intimate partner is defined as a former or current spouse, boyfriend, or girlfriend (Rennison and Welchans 2000). Same-sex relationships are also considered as part of this working definition. The following literature addresses law enforcement and prosecution responses to domestic violence and demonstrates that emerging trends in partnerships are promising improvements that require further exploration. Changes in Law Enforcement Responses to IPV Prior to 1970, societal norms dictated that police treat domestic violence as a family matter, not as a problem for the police. While law enforcement agencies were the government body primarily responsible for intervening in family violence (Buzawa and Buzawa 1992), they often had no official recourse when responding to calls for service involving abuse. In fact, police officers were directed not to make an arrest unless there was severe injury to the victim or they personally witnessed the crime (Buzawa and Buzawa 1992). As a result, noninterference was the primary response of law enforcement to these incidents (Giacomazzi and Smithey 2001). In the early 1980s, the National Institute of Justice funded the Minneapolis Domestic Violence Experiment to explore the relationship between arrest and repeat domestic violence (Sherman and Berk 1984). In the study, police officers used one of three options at random when responding to domestic violence incidents: arrest, mediation, or separation. Investigators measured batterer recidivism by tracking repeat calls for service and conducting interviews with the victims. Study results indicated that arrest was a more effective deterrent of recidivism for batterers than informal response techniques (Sherman and Berk 1984). Several replications studies, however, found mixed results (Pate and Hamilton, 1992; Dunford, Huizinga, and Elliott 1989; Sherman et al. 1992; Loue 2000). Specifically, arrest did not reduce recidivism if the batterers were unemployed and may, in fact, have increased violent incidents (Loue 2000). . Literature Review Despite the conflicting evidence on the effectiveness of arresting batterers, it quickly became the preferred response of police agencies, at least when the batterer was present. By the mid-1980s, the criminal justice response to domestic violence had changed dramatically, with many agencies shifting away entirely from mediation toward preferred arrest policies (Kane 1999). In some states, mandatory arrest laws require officers to arrest batterers regardless of whether the victim is willing to testify. Advocates lauded the mandatory arrest laws because victims no longer had to press charges against the batterer. In other areas, police officers are given the authority to make misdemeanor domestic violence arrests even if they have not witnessed the act personally (Kane 1999). Some large and mid-sized police agencies created Domestic Violence or Family Violence Units to address interpersonal violence (Reuland 2001), while other departments instituted new training policies or looked to the advocate community for assistance in developing an effective response. Evidence suggests that arrest or prosecution programs alone may not prevent recidivist violence (Johnson et al. 1994; Iovanni and Miller 2001). Consequently, many police agencies are looking beyond internal resources to enhance their responses to domestic violence victims. Criminal Justice: Strategies for Domestic Violence These new approaches often involve partnerships with the community and other criminal justice agencies that focus on reducing the negative consequences of criminal justice system practices by making victim safety a priority. Partnership Response to Domestic Violence During the past few decades, the community policing philosophy has fundamentally changed the nature of American policing. Partnership building and problem solving are among the core components of the community oriented policing philosophy (Cordner 2001). The form and function of partnerships may differ among and within communities, depending on the problems to address and available resources. Practitioners and researchers both have expressed that a collaborative approach could enhance existing services to victims of domestic violence (Belknap and McCall 1994). These predictions have been supported by evaluations of domestic violence partnerships (Zweig 2003; Whetstone 2001; Buzawa and Buzawa 2001). Researchers and practitioners cite several conditions crucial for partnership success including shared ownership and equal responsibility for decision making; carefully determined organizational structures; education or training about domestic violence; clearly defined roles and responsibilities; and mechanisms for effective information sharing (Giacomazzi and Smithey 2001). Three major partnership models—coalitions, coordinated community responses, and response partnerships—have been identified in the literature. These partnerships vary in scope (including both public and private sector participants) and focus (the batterer, the victim, or the entire family unit) (Giacomazzi and Smithey 2001). Partnership activities include creating new arrest policies, providing follow-up support for victims, prosecuting offenders, monitoring system activity, developing intervention programs, or strengthening civil remedies, (Shepard et al. 2002) among others. In most communities, partnerships are formed to develop a safety net that ensures victims do not go unnoticed or unassisted (Pollitz Worden 2001) and to improve the function of the criminal justice system. Each form of partnership is described below. Coalitions. Also called task forces or coordinating councils, coalitions are large, multijurisdictional task forces of 30 to100 people who typically meet monthly to discuss large-scale problems such as policy and legislative changes. Coalition members include representatives from a wide range of systems including criminal justice, health care, education, and social services. Some coalitions focus on coordinating different components of the criminal justice system (Hart 1995), while others address the provision of community-based services. In 1980, for example, activists pioneered the Duluth Domestic Violence Intervention Project to influence interagency reform. The resulting well-known Duluth Model involved practitioners from a wide range of agencies who partnered with the goal of maintaining victim safety (Pence and McMahon 1999). . Literature Review For some communities, coalitions also serve as a springboard for additional response activities. Coalition meetings provide planning time to discuss or develop coordinated community responses or co-response interventions (Karan et al. 1999). Some coalitions are used as a starting point for conducting safety audits to determine what, if any, gaps exist in the current system (Lee et al. 2000). Regular interaction during meetings can also serve as an impetus to share resources or enter into a more defined collaboration. The wide range of participants typical of coalitions can allow them to have far-reaching effects. Effective coalitions are able to set the minimum community resource standards necessary to protect victims of domestic violence, to promote understanding of the problem, to assess current practices, and to create mechanisms for information sharing (Witwer and Crawford 1995). Furthermore, coalition activities can provide a forum from which community leaders are able to educate the public about domestic violence. Conversely, large numbers of participants can be detrimental to effective policy change and can be unwieldy and ineffective.Criminal Justice: Strategies for Domestic Violence Furthermore, some coalitions use a top-down approach to addressing domestic violence (Smithey and Giacomazzi 1999), with chief executives and agency directors involved in discussions and meetings, while front-line personnel are removed from the process. As a result, effecting policy changes can be difficult because buy-in and input are lacking from the front-line workers who are to implement the responses. Some evidence suggests that communities relying on widespread coalition participation as the primary response to domestic violence create less effective safety nets than jurisdictions that use other methods. When combined with other activities, however, task forces can be an integral part of a domestic violence response that is helpful to victims and their families (Pollitz Worden 2001). Coordinated Community Responses. The Coordinated Community Response (CCR) models represent collaborative undertakings by two or more agencies to coordinate assistance procedures for domestic violence victims and their families (Stark 2001). CCRs are often grass-roots efforts of one jurisdiction to bring together relevant people to develop and implement policy and training to close gaps in service (Uchida et al. 2001) or to ensure more uniform treatment of victims and offenders in the criminal justice system (Shepard et al. 2002). Participants may also assess problems or manage cases. Participants may include criminal justice practitioners, health care personnel, and social service providers. Based on an area’s needs, participants try to maximize available victims’ resources and to prevent recidivism. The Alexandria (Virginia) Police Department initiated a CCR in conjunction with the victim-witness assistance program located in the Commonwealth of Virginia Attorney’s office, the courts, and the Virginia Department of Mental Health (Orchowsky 1999). The goal was twofold: to hold offenders accountable and to enhance victim services. To identify victims, the victim-witness assistance program staff review all police incident reports to find any evidence of domestic violence that had been overlooked. A program evaluation revealed that while the police department must improve procedures to link more victims to services, those victims who had been assisted felt better served and protected as a result of the CCR (Orchowsky 1999). The literature suggests that the more avenues for help that are available, the more likely it is that a victim of domestic violence will seek assistance (Hart 1995). A CCR can offer many doorways to a community’s resources. Some evaluations suggest that the CCR model may be the best way to keep victims safe because it can have a significant impact on reducing repeat violence (Crowell and Burgess 1996). Research also suggests that coordinating police action with other criminal justice and social service efforts can have a deterrent effect (Tolman and Weisz 1995). Response Partnerships. Response partnerships are characterized by two entities (usually law enforcement and service providers) combining efforts to respond to individual cases. Typically, agency personnel co-respond to calls for service, usually once the situation has been secured by police officers. … Get a 10 % discount on an order above $ 100 Use the following coupon code : NURSING10