UCLA Labor Associations Film Annotation

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Perusall Hill, Studio Tours Hill, Studio Tours This is an unusual year for the Oscars. Two women and two people of Asian descent have been nominated for the Academy Award for Best Director. Hill, Studio Tours We tend to think of any increase in the number of female or non-white Oscar nominees as a sign of progress, part of an inevitable drive towards more equality and inclusivity in film. We tend to imagine that the American film industry used to be much more racist and sexist than it is now. Hill, Studio Tours In this class, we will be challenging teleological approaches to film history that imagine that certain outcomes (like more female and nonwhite directors being nominated for awards) are the inevitable signs of progress. In fact, history of Hollywood film doesnt support this view. As you may have discussed in FMS 101A, silent-era Hollywood was home to numerous female producers, directors, and scenario writers (this is what they called the screen writers for silent films). Contact Information Hill, Studio Tours And while the dominant film industry was almost exclusively white, there was also a robust African American film industry. Hill, Studio Tours If the introduction of sound technology implies technological progress towards the sorts of films we are accustomed to today films that include sound tracks and the full color specturmit also cut short the film careers of many white women and African American men. Dorothy Arzner was the only female director to continue directing films (at Paramount) after the studios transitioned to sound. And the African American film industry could not afford the expense of sound technology, and relatively few race films were made in the 1930s. Hill, Studio Tours In her book, Never Done, Erin Hill asks why Hollywood became gendered. Her answer, in part, is that the film industry adopted scientific management principles that were in use by other industries, such as automobile production, and that these principles encouraged gendered divisions of labor. Hill, Studio Tours As you read this chapter from Never Done, ask yourself 1. 2. 3. How was Hollywood labor gendered? (Which jobs became womens work, which were considered to be jobs for men?) Why were some jobs filled by white women, others by male and female BIPOC, and others by white men? and What evidence does Hill use to support her argument? How does she know which jobs went to women and which to men? How does she know the reasons why these jobs were gendered? Once scientific management principles took over film studios in the 1910s, the practices of sex segregation and the feminization of certain types of film labor were sure to follow as female workers came to rep- resent a particular type of labor to managers in industrial production systems, with a particular benefit to the bottom line. The previous idio- syncratic and individualistic practices under which, as Karen Mahar argues, women enjoyed more latitude and leverage than women in any other industry, including the stage, dissolved as the movie industry began to view women’s participation behind the camera as archaic, and perhaps embarrassing, as the haphazard production methods of the nick- elodeon era The hiring practices of other industries such as banking, where powerful women were not the norm, replaced the film industry’s more progressive practices. This shift left only those sectors increas- ingly perceived as women’s work open to female job candidates. Indeed, 53 calls the remasculinization of filmmakinga return to the all-male state of the first motion pictures, before women had a prominent place in the industryand women’s increasing association with the tedious, low- paying detail work around the margins of the filmmaking process were inextricably related. Labor associations such as guilds, clubs, societies, and, later, unions reinforced many of these emerging divisions between male and female workers. Disputes over professional jurisdictionwhich worker did which task-were often resolved by separating work into highly specific positions on the set, and then spreading the word about the job distinctions through trade journals and unions, which solidified their subdivisions. Many early trade groups, such as the Screen or Reel Club, formed as fraternal organiza- tions that socialized in masculinized spaces such as taverns and lounges. Other than the Writers Club, a social arm of the gender-integrated Screen Writers Guild with its own heterosocial clubhouse, most such groups even- tually moved from the mixed gender spaces in which they had previously congregated to sex-segregated spaces like the Los Angeles Athletic Club. Barring the occasional ladies’ night, women could not follow their male peers into these clubs and taverns to discuss how and by whom their jobs were to be carried out.3 Sex segregation at studios was, for the most part, de facto. No for- mal policy was necessary to limit women’s roles in the workplace. The logic that governed their participation in other American industries, limiting them to work that was distinct from and less desirable than men’sreflected wider societal norms about innate feminine qualities and women’s natural sphere. Growing studios enforced these norms more strictly than early film companies had done. As they increasingly associ- ated women with certain work, studios effectively dissociated them from high-status creative fields in which they had found so much early success. The relatively heterosocial production environment of the early movie business, which allowed women some mobility between occupations, also became more restricted as job separations and hierarchy assumed a spatial dimension across studios’ sprawling compounds. One could veri- tably map the territory of the studio grounds according to where women workers had access and the departments in which they were typically present or absent. By the 1930s, women’s prospects in Hollywood would be narrowed considerably. All but eliminated from the ranks of directors, producers, and executives in which they had flourished a few decades earlier, women would be primarily associated with low-status jobs rooted in feminized labor sectors. This chapter elucidates how the film industry spatialized and catego- rized women’s labor as feminized sectors grew in size and number through the 1920s and 1930s. Extant labor history provides the traditional, accepted categories of women’s work as they were understood in other industries and in American homes. Filmed studio tours produced for promotional purposes serve as a starting point for identifying these categories as they were assimilated by studios, where work was promptly separated along the same lines. Examining representations of the work and workers in these various branches of studio labor shows how womenas maids, commis- sary waitresses, nurses, teachers, inkers, painters, negative cutters, and film inspectors-were dislocated from creative work by being ranked lowest in studio hierarchy and farthest from the rolling camera in studio geography. However, the chapter also designates how important these workers were: studios could not have grown at the same rate or functioned on the same scale without women serving as a cheap, exploitable workforce to facilitate and subsidize their growth. These examinations also necessarily broaden the chapter’s scope to include labor assigned not only based on gender, but also on class, race, or a combination of the three, such as jobs that fell under that heading of service (custodians, maids, and so on) that were assigned to African American men and women. Little evidence relating principally to these A Lack of Avenues Leading to Direction”: The Female Movie Maker on (and off) the New Studio Map Examining the studio-era fates of the powerful, early women filmmak- ers from the previous chapter shows the change in management’s attitude toward female employees during the studios’ nascent stages in the 1910s compared to the 1930s, when it can be said that their large-scale produc- tion systems had matured into adulthood. Here, again, the work of Cari Beauchamp, Lizzie Francke, and others who have examined these early filmmakers careers in great detail helps to explicate studios’ developing conceptions of women’s work and their impact on all women in the clas- sical Hollywood erafrom important individuals to groups of women in feminized fields. By 1937, Dorothy Arzner was the only female director of the nearly forty directors employed at MGM. This was neither the first nor the last instance in which Arzner-a successful silent-era writer and director-stood as the lone female exception to directing’s all-male rule. Ten years earlier, papers had announced her first directing assignment with a headlineLasky Names Woman Director-in which her gender seemed at least as impor- tant as her job or the company for which she worked. She was the first Current co woman to join the newly formed Directors Guild in 1936, and remained its only female member until Ida Lupino joined in 1949. Arzner attributed her field’s dominance by males not to men’s superiority, but to the fact that women were handicapped by a lack of avenues leading to direction 5 And, indeed, directinga difficult job to learn without on-set training and exposure to camera equipment and technology-was increasingly out of reach for women as not only film sets but also the technical and craft departments that emerged around them became the sole province of men. Most women working at MGM in 1936 were relegated to work with light machinery such as sewing machines and typewriters, and confined to all- female or female-dominated sectors shunted to the outer edges of studio geography. Frances Marion’s experiences as a contract writer for MGM in the 1930s and 1940s contrasted sharply with her earlier occupational mobility in the production systems of the 1910s, where she was encouraged to learn all kinds of film work. As an MGM screenwriter, she became frustrated as increasing specialization restricted her to the writer’s building, with man- agement discouraging and even disallowing her from further input into the production of films after she wrote them. She believed that she and other female writers had contributed to the movie factory that the studio sys- tem had become in diverse ways-none of which they received credit for. Current co Bess Meredyth, Anita Loos, and I were asked our advice on virtually every during the Thirties, she recalled in an interview with DeWitt Bodeen, adding that they concealed their power by carrying scripts in blank covers because they knew that some male writers were complaining about the ‘tyranny of the woman writer, and would have been embarrassed to discover Marion et al. were being asked to give sug- gestions and make uncredited revisions on their work. It was a ridiculous accusation,she reflected in the same interview. They were lucky to have us on their side; Marion left MGM in 1937. Seeing her films marred by cast- ing or production decisions on which screenwriters no longer had any real input had convinced her that the only way to maintain control over written work was as a hybrid: writer-director or writer-producer. She successfully secured such a contract (to write and produce) at Columbia, but shelved the project after budget cuts across the studio’s slate made it impossible for her to tell her story as she envisioned it. No other directing or producing con- tracts followed, and an independent company she set up with Beth Meredyth and Meredyth’s husband, Michael Curtiz, never got off the ground. Marion eventually returned to writing at MGM but served largely in an advisory and editorial capacity there, working with less experienced writers. Meanwhile, Marion’s old friend and former employer Lois Weber-once a brand name with her own studiowas, by 1932, consigned to work as a script doctor and Current co with her own studiowas, by 1932, consigned to work as a script doctor and at a charity job testing starlets for Universal.” Marion’s failure to either direct or produce for the majors-despite her status as one of the most successful screenwriters in history-gives some indication of the difficulties faced by women even with considerable stand- ing in the industry at the time, let alone those with no standing at all. Though women often worked and even thrived in roles as screenwriters, and in the so-called literary or intellectual professions (for example, read- ing, research) related to the process, as Cari Beauchamp explains, screen- writing was a creative outlet achieved in private and required relatively little bravado.’12 Women’s success in more visible leadership roles was far rarer. Joan Harrison, one of the few women screenwriters promoted to pro- ducer in the 1940s, explained that it was difficult for a woman to succeed except as an actress or, much down the scale, as a writer because the front office attitude resents a woman in authority and it probably always will- they recognize women writers but prefer to keep us in prescribed grooves.:3 Though avenues to directing have reopened since Marion’s and Arzner’s time, still women directed only 6 percent of the top 250 films in 2013.14 The field remains effectively segregated by gender, in part because guild membership rules require endorsements from three existing members, and current membership is still dominated by white men. More broadly and current membership is still dominated by white men. More broadly speaking, a 1998 study of female-dominated professions pointed out that 58 * NEVER DONE women are often segregated into female-dominated sectors where they work in isolation (for example, the teacher in her class, the receptionist at the front desk) and are undervalued either in terms of salary, career pros- pects or social status.15 At studios, assigning women to literary or intel- lectual fields was often framed as a compliment in trades and promotional materials from the 1910s and early 1920sa backhanded one, to be sure. Thus the literary fieldswith their timeworn associations between women and typewritersafforded opportunities for women to succeed, at the cost of effectively distancing them from the site of : the mas- culinized spaces behind the camera and in executive suites. Bluntly put, in culinized spaces behind the camera and in executive suites. Bluntly put, in a world in which the medium of film reigned, the agency of female movie makers was now confined to paper, along with all of its pejorative associa- tion with clerical work. This arrangement codified the logic according to which women’s labor was below the line and at the margins of studio lots, allowing studios to exploit their workers by recourse to a self-explaining system of traditional gender norms. Behind the Screen: Sex Segregation on the (Real and Imagined) Studio Lot As chapter i detailed, early studios engaged in near-continuous self- promotion as they built their production facilities, plants, or works, during the mid-1910s and 1920s through the release of photographs, draw- ings, and maps in trade and fan publications. These materials were often packaged with accounts of reporters’ (clearly staged) visits to, or tours of, studios-in-progress. Many studios also produced short films about their own facilities, works that likewise highlighted their ownership and mastery over the entire production process, reassuring potential viewersfrom fans to competitors to potential investorsthat they were concerns worthy of investment capital and consumer loyalty. Much like their print counter- parts, these pseudo-documentary shorts, released mostly between 1915 and 1925, were framed as tours. Given their promotional agendas, these shorts are by no means records of what was. However, viewed as self-portraits, the films are revealing in both what they display and what they withhold from view, providing rich evidence of studios’ gendered labor logic. All of the tour films were planned, choreographed, and staged for the camera to varying degrees. Behind the Screen, made in 1915 and existing only in partial form today, gives a fairly candid backstage view of Universal City as a producer preps a film for production, while a later film entitled Universal Studio and Stars (1925) provides a more staged glimpse of the studio, par- ticularly of its upcoming releases in production.6 A Tour of the Thomas H. Ince Studio, 1920-22 (released in 1924) and 1922’s A Trip to Paramountown contain a mixture of of workers in various departments and sequences that are far more produced” presenting care- fully composed, even scripted, bits of business on the studios’ sets and back lots.”7 Some films map the production process, starting with planning or scripting departments and ending with editing, thus reproducing studio workflow and chain of command. Others, framed as walking tours, repro- duce actual studio geography. MGM’s 1925 Studio Tour does both, and is perhaps closest to a straightforward industrial film about a factory and its contents. In early shots, the camera moves through MGM’s front gates and then navigates around the lot, offering seemingly candid shots of facilities and the workers within them. However, the MGM tour also includes a class picture shot of workers from each department, assembled on the lawn in front of studio administration buildings. 18 A 1927 Goodwill Pictures short entitled Life in Hollywood features scenes from a number of studios, includ- ing footage of major Warner Bros. and Fox stars and directors. 19 Produced in the classical studio era proper-much later than the other filmsthe 1934 Warner Bros. short A Trip Thru a Hollywood Studio and a 1935 tour of 20th Century Fox present more mature self-portraits, in which feminized labor is fully incorporated into the larger studio system. 20 Unlike the print articles discussed in chapter 1, which mostly implied feminized labor sectors through maps and photographic arrays of vari- ous buildings and assets, the filmed tours all include photographic repre- sentations of actual film workers, including some female workers deemed beneath mention anywhere else. Conversely, in presenting studios to (what the filmmakers believed to be) their best advantage, the films frequently omit important female creative personnel, most notably women directors. The appendix to this book lists the representations of labor in all films, categorizing the workers who appear by both gender and the department or job in which they are shown. This compilation of data is not intended as an accurate measurement of how many women and men worked in these departments. Rather, the ways in which the docu-advertisements included women indicate the fields with which they were being identified at that time. Following is a list of all jobs in which women appear: Actor Art Director’s Assistant Copyist/Typist Costume Designer/Department Head Film Inspector Film Lab Worker Hairdresser Maid/Servant Mail professional power exists and circulates i

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